What is the Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor all about? Part II

Quick Note: This post is the second of a two-part series on the Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor.

In the previous post, I discussed the scale and context of the Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor. The project has been billed as so wide-reaching that its own objectives have been changing over the years. For instance, the development of MRTS projects and a solar plant have been added to the DMIC’s ambit, along with providing expertise for building a convention centre in the national capital![1] I broadly discussed some of the socio-economic concerns arising out of the project last time. In this post, I would like to focus on some specific environmental concerns raised as a result of going through with the project.

One, the foundational idea behind the corridor will enhance carbon dioxide emissions and increase vehicular traffic. Two, the corridor passes through extremely water-scarce regions in the country and will create an even greater stress on the water resources. Three, the corridor will pass through important bio-reserves and will create threats to the quantum of biodiversity in India. Let us look at each of them in detail.

First, the very idea of the industrial corridor is based on equating wider roads with better development. The plan to make a new, wide highway for the movement of private vehicles is going to promote the use of self-driven vehicles for private as well as commercial purposes. Carbon emissions will only increase due to greater usage of vehicles. Further, environment clearances have already been given for four thermal and gas-based power plants across the corridor.[2] Such conventional uses of energy will increase carbon emissions and add to the degrading standard of air quality in northern India. This clearly indicates that the idea of developing ‘smart cities’ is merely a cosmetic one because they are based in fuel generated by thermal power and increasing vehicular usage. The United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) has recognized the potential for reduction in carbon dioxide emissions through extensive use of the dedicated freight corridor in a report on the DMIC.[3] But this is made redundant by the use of fossil fuel resources for power generation and for the promotion of vehicular usage over large distances. It will also waste a lot of existing resources because there are a number of urban centers, such as Pithampur in Madhya Pradesh, which already have an inventory of unused factories etc. and the construction of entirely new zones will waste a lot of resources and impact the environment and worsen it.

Second, the project disregards the water needs for irrigation in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh or the needs of the farmers or residents of these areas.[4] The DMIC seeks to take two-thirds of its water needs from rivers and the remaining from groundwater.[5] Farmers and other users already face great strain while retrieving water for agriculture and other purposes. Even existing cities, such as Manesar, Indore, and Surat, along the corridor use water from the same resources and there has been no ecological assessment of how the DMIC could use water sustainably without affecting the needs and usage of the existing users. Rivers require at least 50% of their volume to remain in the rivers to ensure that they are able to self-replenish and self-clean.[6] However, if the DMIC plan is put into operation, then all the rivers will have no volume left for their preservation. In fact, such is the desperation that the DMIC seeks to draw water even from seasonal rivers such as the Luni, in Rajasthan.[7] Further, not only will this industrial plan destroy the rivers but it will also affect the groundwater levels and its quantity. The rise in new cities and increasing population settlements will take up a lot of the groundwater and the new industries being set up will also contaminate and pollute the groundwater simultaneously. The perspective plan of the DMIC itself acknowledges that two-thirds of the districts under the DMIC are in overexploited or critical stages as far as groundwater is concerned.[8]

Third, the DMIC is having a major impact on the wildlife and biodiversity along its route. In terms of forests/mangroves, towards the southern part of the project, a lot of mangrove forests as well the foothills of the Western Ghats are prone to being overrun by the expansion of roads and rail lines. The conversion of land use from the adjoining fertile land to industrial zones or airports will also cause ecological damage to the leeward side of the Western Ghats.[9]In a specific instance of directly impacting wildlife, the DMIC passes through Balaram Ambaji Wildlife Sanctuary that is known to contain sloth bear and leopard populations.[10] However, the National Board for Wildlife cleared the proposal for laying railway tracks through the sanctuary without requiring any preconditions such as the erection of fences.[11] More recently, the Board recommended doubling the width of a road passing through the same wildlife sanctuary.[12] Just as speeding cars have reduced the panther population in southern Rajasthan, speeding trains have now been granted authority to subject sloth bears and leopards to the same fate.

 

[1]About IICCL, DELHI MUMBAI INDUSTRIAL CORRIDOR DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION (DMICDC),http://www.dmicdc.com/iicc;About DMICDC – An Overview, DELHI MUMBAI INDUSTRIAL CORRIDOR DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION (DMICDC), available at: http://www.dmicdc.com/about-DMICDC.

[2]Power Projects: Environmental Clearance, DELHI MUMBAI INDUSTRIAL CORRIDOR DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION (DMICDC), available at: http://www.dmicdc.com/cpage.aspx?pgid=62.

[3]Prem Pangotra and PR Shukla, Promoting Low Carbon Transport in India, Infrastructure for Low-Carbon Transport in India: A Case Study of the Delhi-Mumbai Dedicated Freight Corridor, UNITED NATIONS ENVIRONMENT PROGRAM (UNEP), August 2012, available at: http://wedocs.unep.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.11822/16964/DFC.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y.

[4]Nitin Desai, This Corridor is Paved with Bad Policies, TEHELKA, August 11, 2012, available at: http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main53.asp?filename=Op110812corridor.asp.

[5]Romi Khosla and Vikram Soni, Delhi-Mumbai Corridor: A Water Disaster in the Making?, Vol. XLVII, No. 10, ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY, March 10, 2012, p. 16, available at: http://www.indiaenvironmentportal.org.in/files/file/Delhi-Mumbai%20Corridor.pdf.

[6]Romi Khosla and Vikram Soni, Delhi-Mumbai Corridor: A Water Disaster in the Making?, Vol. XLVII, No. 10, ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY, March 10, 2012, p. 16, available at: http://www.indiaenvironmentportal.org.in/files/file/Delhi-Mumbai%20Corridor.pdf.

[7]Nitin Desai, This Corridor is Paved with Bad Policies, TEHELKA, August 11, 2012, available at: http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main53.asp?filename=Op110812corridor.asp.

[8]Downloads, DMICDC, available at: http://www.dmicdc.com/frmDownloads.aspx?pgid=43; Romi Khosla and Vikram Soni, Delhi-Mumbai Corridor: A Water Disaster in the Making?, Vol. XLVII, No. 10, ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY, March 10, 2012, p. 16, available at: http://www.indiaenvironmentportal.org.in/files/file/Delhi-Mumbai%20Corridor.pdf.

[9]Raksha Kumar, Delhi Mumbai Corridor, How the World’s Largest Infrastructure Project is Uprooting Indian Farmers, THE GUARDIAN, September 15, 2015, available at: http://www.theguardian.com/cities/2015/sep/15/indias-future-dmic-delhi-mumbai-industrial-corridor.

[10]Himanshu Kaushik, Bear Safety on Wrong Track, TIMES OF INDIA, January 28, 2015, available at: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/ahmedabad/Bear-safety-on-wrong-track/articleshow/46035984.cms.

[11]Himanshu Kaushik, Bear Safety on Wrong Track, TIMES OF INDIA, January 28, 2015, available at: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/ahmedabad/Bear-safety-on-wrong-track/articleshow/46035984.cms.

[12]Minutes of the 47thMeeting of the Standing Committee of National Board for Wildlife, F.No. 6-4/2018 WL, Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (Wildlife Division), Government of India, February 7, 2018, http://www.moef.gov.in/sites/default/files/Minutes%20of%2047th%20meeting%20of%20Standing%20Committee%20of%20National%20Board%20for%20Wildlife%20%281%29.pdf.

What is the Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor all about? Part I

Quick note: This post is the first of a two-part series on the Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor.

“Initially, it used to happen once or twice a month, later it decreased to 2-3 times a year, and now we can just drive by without worrying about it at all”, claimed Shiva, a taxi driver who frequently drives between Udaipur, Rajasthan and Palanpur, Gujarat, a route that forms a significant area of influence under the upcoming Delhi Mumbai Industrial Corridor (DMIC). What Shiva was referring to is the number of panthers killed by speeding vehicles while crossing the highway from a lake to the forest.

The DMIC is an urban expansion project that aims to span the entire western sector of India. It is envisaged to include a high-speed road and rail corridor, with dedicated freight lines, as well as the construction of ‘smart cities’, new industrial regions and green field airports.[1] Along the entire corridor, it seeks to give impetus to industrial growth and create an industrial belt to achieve sustained economic growth for India. The plan has an influence area from Delhi to Mumbai covering over 400,000 square kms.[2] It is going to pass through the states of Uttar Pradesh, where it will begin in Dadri, Haryana, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and Maharashtra, where it will end at the Jawaharlal Nehru Port, which is a distance of almost 1500 kms.[3]

The project is not a novel idea in terms of its substance. In fact, developing urban areas with large-scale infrastructure and investment in capital goods has for long been considered as a spur for urban and consequent economic growth. To provide some context for urban development, a couple of centuries ago the total urban population of the world was not more than 250 million, which was less than a fifth of the then existing population.[4] Today, India, at 34% of urban population, has more than double the people in urban areas alone than this entire figure.[5] For the first time in the history of the world, in this century, more people (4.1 billion, or 55% of the world’s population) are living in urban areas than in rural locations.[6] Given the push for urban development as a way to increase household incomes and wealth[7], this growth is seen most visibly in developing nations, with the largest urban agglomerate areas such as Mumbai, Mexico City, Sao Paulo, and Beijing, in developing countries.

By their very nature, large-scale projects, especially those in developing countries, are dependent on angel funding (either by States or private players) for their development. The sheer scale of some of these projects makes it crucial to discuss their potential implications on a variety of aspects – socio-economic, environmental, and financial.

The plan for the DMIC is in line with this strategy of building larger and new cities. It has been touted as a game changer for addressing India’s existing problems in messy urbanization. It is going to be a huge investment over a number of years, with the estimated project cost alone estimated at Rs. 6, 30, 000 crore or Rs. 6.3 trillion (USD 90 billion).[8]

It relies on policy measures that various urban growth models have experimented with, such as engaging the private sector for essential infrastructure development, building green field parallel to existing urban centers, and relying on different forms of international aid, soft loans, or State support for funding models. This can create a multitude of obligations in terms of monetizing land, sourcing requirements, conditional use of funds, and even bilateral relations (in cases of international funding).

The next question then is, given these financial risks, if such projects are at least meant to benefit the entire population. The answer, unsurprisingly, is no. Building MRTS systems or airports systematically excludes those who cannot pay for the high cost of such services. Further, these projects necessarily require continuous funding for the maintenance of the infrastructure. As a result, such attempts at growth often serve to increase the wedge of inequality in society by depriving locals of their land, privatizing profits from the area and creating livelihood insecurity for those living in the region.

In the next post, I will discuss some specific environmental implications of the DMIC.

[1]About DMICDC – An Overview, DELHI MUMBAI INDUSTRIAL CORRIDOR DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION (DMICDC), available at: http://www.dmicdc.com/about-DMICDC.

[2]Shantanu Guha Ray, A New Grand Trunk Road – For Industry, TEHELKA, February 16, 2008, available at: http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main37.asp?filename=Bu090208Grand_Trunk.asp.

[3]About DMICDC – An Overview, DELHI MUMBAI INDUSTRIAL CORRIDOR DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION (DMICDC), available at: http://www.dmicdc.com/about-DMICDC.

[4]Rakesh Mohan and Shubhagato Dasgupta, Urban Development in India in the 21stCentury: Policies for Accelerating Urban Growth, Working Paper no. 231, STANFORD CENTRE FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, STANFORD UNIVERSITY, October 2004, p. 1, available at: https://globalpoverty.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/publications/231wp.pdf.

[5]Urban Population (in %), THE WORLD BANK, available at: http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.URB.TOTL.IN.ZS(last accessed on August 29, 2018).

[6]Urban Population Growth, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION, available at: http://www.who.int/gho/urban_health/situation_trends/urban_population_growth_text/en/. (last accessed on August 29, 2018); Urban Population, THE WORLD BANK, available at: https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.URB.TOTL(last accessed on August 29, 2018).

[7]Spence et al. (Eds.), Urbanization and Growth, COMMISSION ON GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT (THE WORLD BANK), 2009, https://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTPREMNET/Resources/489960-1338997241035/Growth_Commission_Vol1_Urbanization_Growth.pdf.

[8]Metamorphosis – DMIC Overview, http://www.dmicdc.com/Uploads/Files/5df_dmic-overview.pdf.

Game Session of ‘Made to Order’ at City Scripts, Indian Institute for Human Settlements, Bangalore

 

Date: 17th February 2018

Duration: 75 minutes

Number of Participants: 14

 

Introduction to the Game

‘Made to Order’ is a physical, multiplayer game that can also accommodate spectators developed by Fields of View to explore the intersecting dimensions of caste, class and gender, and how intricately they are bound. The game was first developed for Gender Bender 2017, a production Sandbox Collective and Goethe Institut Bangalore. The game involves participants playing different roles set in the garment industry, drawing from real-life qualitative and quantitative data.

 

 

Overview of the Session

A modified version of the game was conducted at IIHS as part of City Scripts, an urban writings festival. In this version, the garment workers were divided as employees of two competing garment factories, who were represented by their upper managements.

The participants were conversant with English and in the age group 25-45. Some of them were working in research institutions, including IIHS. The game session lasted for 75 minutes, including 15 minutes of briefing and 60 minutes of gameplay. Four participants played the role of workers in two garment factories, while nine of them formed the upper management of those two factories. The remaining participants formed the spectators. Each worker, keeping in mind their gender, caste and class, had to make decisions based on different situations through the game.

 

Observations of Gameplay

  1. Three of the workers spent money on achieving at least two of their goals. One of them chose not to fulfil any. None of the workers interacted with each other during the game.
  2. During questions put to the upper management, they discussed with one another and gave unanimous decisions each time. When both groups had to decide on measures to improve their bid, they were competitive and mindful of the other group’s choices. There was no interaction across the groups.
  3. There were few comments during the game and they were limited to providing reasons for the choices made, such as “Even though it is costly, I will take the private transport service because I need more time to help my husband and children” and “I have to constantly keep shifting houses so there is no reason for me to get it repaired”.
  4. Questions raised were mostly clarificatory in nature and included “My caste is ‘Holeya’. Does it fall under the list of Scheduled Castes?”; “Can I reduce costs by buying a cycle to travel to work instead of subscribing to a private van service?”; “I know that there is little chance of being selected since I am a woman, but can I still apply for the vocational training programme?”; and “Can we choose the same measures to improve our bid as the other factory?”.

 

 

Reflections

  1. In previous sessions of the game, many participants who played the characters of the workers were visibly involved with their characters, reading their profiles slowly, pausing to think before deciding on their choices, and providing reasons on each occasion. In this session, the choice of decisions was much quicker and often without stating any reasons. One of the workers read out the narrative of all their choices rapidly and without pause, as though they were in a hurry to finish reading regardless of the content.
  2. The upper managements, when presented with a choice to either not pay workers’ wages for a certain period or to cut them from thereon, picked the latter each time. However, when they had to compete with the other factory to improve their bid, they chose to implement measures, such as contracting out employment, that could lead to a loss of wages entirely.
  3. A participant playing the role of a female sanitation worker whose husband had passed away a few years ago, stated that the question of her pregnancy was not applicable to her. We had not considered or observed this outcome – of limiting the possibility of pregnancy within wedlock – in previous sessions of the game.